The comrades of the Laboratorio Marxista (Marxist Laboratory) participate in the International Seminar against Torture and Isolation in Noordwik with the intention of contributing to the construction of a vast front of solidarity against repression by putting a stop to the reactionary offensive of the imperialistic middle-class and to defend the political actions of revolutionary organisations in Europe and throughout the world.

Naturally, we do not believe that reaction and repression can be stopped simply by international solidarity or with legal defence or by providing counter information.  We are convinced that the main weapons available to combat repression is that of developing the class struggle.

Certainly, even the intensification of the class struggle could bring a greater level of repression; if peoples don't struggle for their rights, they won't be repressed.  However, the intensification of the class struggle brings a greater solidarity of the masses and this can even be a "deterrent" for the repressive actions of the state.

In any case, each simply democratic conquest cannot be seen as the fruit of a magnanimous concession from those in power, but the fruit of strong and well-defined relationships that can only be attained via a struggle.

We are well aware of the resistance of the Turkish prisoners, the motives and the heroism with which their resistance has been carried out over the last 2 years.

When, in December 2000, the Turkish army and police sprang an attack on the prisons causing the death of tens of prisoners, we immediately launched a series of solidarity initiatives and counter information here at home. At that time, the Italian press and state television drew little attention to the attack, as did also the newspapers with traditional left-wing leanings.

Our task was mainly to make known the resistance and struggle against F-type cells, to break the silence and contribute to the construction of international solidarity.

We have continued to make known the position of the imprisoned Turkish revolutionaries, as we are convinced that their struggle in the prisons (as well as the struggle of revolutionaries outside of prison), is a common struggle against imperialism.

In Italy, the increasing repressive tactics are carried out on two levels; at a social level against the movements and on a political level against political groups and unions.  We are thus faced with a mass selective attack with the objective of planting panic among the masses and isolating their avant-garde.

Over the last few years, Italy has been the theatre of a mass repression, the type of which has not been seen for many years.

The whole world could see how peaceful demonstrators were savagely beaten under the cameras of journalists from all over the world.

Now, also Italians have a firsthand feel for what happens on a daily basis in many parts of the world.

The demonstration against the WTO conference in Naples in March 2001, and most of all, the demonstrations in Genoa against the meeting of the heads of state of the "G8" in July 2001 saw repression on an extremely violent scale.

On both occasions the repressive forces moved as in an orchestrated military manoeuvre, which brought about the massacre, arrest and torture of thousands of demonstrators.

The result was the assassination of Carlo Giuliani, in Genoa, on the 20th July 2001.

It is worth noting that the demonstrations in Naples were repressed by a centre-left government, whilst those in Genoa were repressed by a centre-right government, which makes it all too clear that there are no so called "friends" for the people in the institutions of capitalist power.

Even from a legislative point of view, steps are being made towards an even greater repression.

Even before September 11th, in May 2001, the centre-left government, unanimously supported by the entire parliament, passed a law for the extension of protection custody (arrest without trial) from 18 to 24 months (using as an excuse the killing of Marco Biagi).

After September 11th other clauses (270 ter and 270 quater) were introduced to Article 270 of the Penal Code.

Article 270 was introduced in 1930 by the fascist powers of that time with the declared objective to strike against anarchists and communists and is part of a code (the "Rocco code", which takes its name from the fascist Minister of Justice who proposed it) which is still fully in force.

Not even after the Second World War, with the advent of so-called "democracy", was this article abolished and it has often used against communists and anarchists even in recent years.

This is further proof that in Italy, elements of fascism are still present in the judicial and political institutions even after fascism was "formally" defeated and replaced with this so-called "democracy".

In particular Article 270 ter defines as "international terrorism" any type of political and economical support given to organisations categorised as "terrorists" (for example, those inserted in the ill-famed "black lists" of the U.S.A. and European Union).

By doing so, they are attempting  to obstruct solidarity among the revolutionary organisations and movements throughout the world.

For this reason, we have organised a political battle against these "black lists" which outlaw resistance organisations from many countries (such as Palestine, Turkey, Colombia...).

Recently, a regulation which makes provision for the normalisation of Article 41 bis was approved (with the consent of almost all political parties), which makes provision for "hard" prison (detention in isolation cells) for the mafia, but also for those accused of political "terrorism" and accused of "international terrorism".

In Italy, over the last year and a half, hundreds of immigrants have been arrested with the accusation of being suspected members of Al Qaeda. They were then released after months of detention without the existence of any proof. This is a confirmation that those arrests were made under false pretences, and served purely for propagandistic purposes.

A campaign of counter information is in progress against the final approval of 41 bis.

We have also expressed our solidarity to anarchist comrade Marco Camenish who has become a symbol in the battle against isolation and for the safeguard of the rights of political prisoners.

We consider solidarity towards political prisoners as a primary element in the activity of communist or anti-imperialist movements.

As in our September 2000 issue, "Seminare per raccogliere" (“To seed in order to collect”), which outlines our political base, we wrote: 

“Revolutionary prisoners have always been subjected to two types of treatment: repression for those who do not collaborate, adulation and concessions for those that do.

Repression has been used to break the unity and resistance of prisoners, to separate them from the masses and to create terror in the ranks of all the revolutionaries.  Via this "collaboration" the aim is to obtain information and show who is the winner.

Isolation, denigration, physical and psychological torture are the means used by repressive forces to break down revolutionary movements. For this, even more merit goes to those who, faced with endless difficulties, resist and continue to keep on flying the flag of  the proletarian revolution.

Everyday, all over the world, tens of thousands of revolutionaries are imprisoned, subjected to inhumane treatment, forced to resort to extreme resistance, such as hunger strikes which, in many cases, leads to their death.

But history teaches us that the struggle of the masses and that of political prisoners are indelibly linked. Thus, the defence of revolutionary prisoners and solidarity towards them is one of the fundamental duties of every communist.

Expressing solidarity towards revolutionary prisoners does not necessarily mean being in favour of all of their choices, however it means supporting their revolutionary nature.

Since revolutionary prisoners remain imprisoned simply for being revolutionaries, because they fight against imperialism and for communism, each initiative of solidarity towards political prisoners must be supported and amplified by other communists, just as each initiative which highlights the history and experience of revolutionary organisations, their mistakes and their intuition must be supported.

We must not allow for a situation whereby the middle-class can portray (as it wishes) the history of the class struggle.

This also includes Italy, and the history of her resistance movement and the struggles of the 1960's, 70's and 80's.

We can’t leave middle-class reconstruct our history via information provided by turncoats and those that disassociate themselves from their own past.  We must be able to ensure a representation of true historic facts that can be used as an example, or a warning, depending on the situation, for our present and future activities.

Only he who is still a communist has the political legitimacy to do this, and certainly not he who has renounced the class struggle, and amplifies the middle-class voice which describes a completely imaginary, peaceful world without conflict".

Having for years participated in events promoted by other organisations, this year we have decided to "celebrate" on the 19th of June the International Day of the Revolutionary Prisoner (a day in which we also commemorate the 300 Peruvian political prisoners assassinated in 1986 by the government of Alan Garcia). This event, which has taken place over two days, represented a useful occasion to reflect on the question of political prisoners.

We have invited comrades from Argentina, Palestina, Turkey and Spain to participate and discuss together the situation of Italian prisons and those around the world.

Naturally, the question of political prisoners cannot only be remembered one day a year.

As previously outlined, the struggle of prisoners is part of the struggle against imperialism and its everyday consequences.

Recently, arrests have been made in relation to inquiries about Genoa 2001 (in Cosenza and Genoa).

To the comrades in various areas hit we express our solidarity, independent of our differing political ideas.

We have also expressed our solidarity with Francesco Caruso, one of the leaders in the "no global" movement, with whom we do not have any political sympathy, especially after the unacceptable declarations which he, and his “comrades” Casarini, Agnoletto, Bertinotti... made in relation to violence in Genoa, and after their intolerable dissociation (in certain cases, out and out denouncement) towards specific areas of the movement.

A salute to all Turkish comrades, and to all comrades present from your comrades of the Laboratorio Marxista.